Rhyme but harmonized: The impact of doo-wop on hip-hop’s competitive spirit

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When discussing hip-hop, it’s commonly acknowledged that it embodies an art form characterized by relentless competition. In the realm of rap music, this competitive spirit is frequently portrayed as a reflection of the hyper-masculine “keep it real” identity that hip-hop is known for. This identity is said to be inherently present within the genre.

It’s uncertain if that fully uncovers the roots of competition in hip-hop. In its initial phases, the competitive spirit seemed to be a characteristic inherited by hip-hop due to its grassroots origins within neighborhood communities. Interestingly, this competition in hip-hop and rap music may trace back to the same competition present in earlier genres like doo-wop.

Even though children on a street corner chanting nonsensical sounds and love-themed lyrics might seem quite different from the intense wordplay we link with rap battles, I contend that the competitive spirit inherent in the latter was certainly prevalent in the former as well.

In many of the same urban communities among African Americans where hip-hop would become popular in the 1970s, doo-wop had already gained significant prominence, around a decade earlier.

The kindred competition of doo-wop and hip-hop

Despite initially seeming quite different due to hip-hop’s tougher, masculine image versus doo-wop, a closer look reveals significant connections and influences between the two genres, primarily due to their shared urban environment.

The birthplace of hip hop,” published in the Bronx County Historical Society Journal in 2007, offers a broad overview of the musical past of the Morrisania district located in the South Bronx, illustrating how different music genres coexisted and interacted within the same geographical area.

In Morrisania, a variety of artists, spanning genres such as rhythm and blues, funk, soul, bebop, Latin jazz, and mambo, have performed. Notably, Naison highlights that numerous doo-wop acts, many of them teenagers, were nurtured at Morris High School and Public School 99. These young artists honed their talents and gained visibility through talent shows, some of which took place at PS 99’s night center.

Beyond school hours, Morrisania’s street corners and porches served as a frequent gathering spot for numerous groups. Notably among these were the Chords, famous for their 1954 hit “Sh-Boom,” and the Chantels, who gained prominence with “Maybe” from 1957 and “Look in My Eyes” in 1961.

Original Sentence: Outside of school, Morrisania’s street corners and stoops were home to an endless number of groups, some of the most notable in the recording world being the Chords, known for “Sh-Boom” from 1954, and the Chantels, perhaps best known for 1957’s “Maybe” or 1961’s “Look in My Eyes.”

After school hours, Morrisania’s street corners and porches were frequented by many groups, among the most famous being the Chords, who became popular with their song “Sh-Boom” from 1954, and the Chantels, best known for “Maybe” in 1957 and “Look in My Eyes” in 1961.

Both sentences convey the same information, but the paraphrased version may be considered more natural and easier to read by some.

During the time leading up to the rise of doo-wop music and later hip-hop in New York City, Naison notes significant socioeconomic changes. Many black and Latino families migrated from Harlem to the South Bronx before World War II, primarily due to their ability to relocate to a wealthier part of the city compared to their previous homes.

In contrast, hip-hop originated during the post-Civil Rights era as a response by African Americans and Latinos living in the South Bronx who, despite lacking sufficient resources for mobilization, found themselves living in deteriorating conditions due to intentionally neglected social welfare systems within nearly bankrupt New York City in the 1970s.

Despite significant changes occurring within the city, Morrisania remained a fertile ground for emerging hip-hop artists much like it had been for doo-wop musicians earlier. Notable figures such as Lovebug Starksi, Grand Wizzard Theodore, and Grandmaster Flash, along with their crews like the Cold Crush Brothers, refined their skills and performance styles within this neighborhood.

During certain periods of their lives, notable hip-hop artists like KRS-One and Fat Joe resided in Morrisania. Specifically, Fat Joe lived in the Forest Houses, whereas KRS-One stayed temporarily at a homeless shelter located inside an armory on the intersection of 166th Street and Franklin Avenue.

Essentially, I’m pointing out that doo-wop and hip-hop share a common geographical origin and were popular among African American youth. By identifying these fundamental similarities, it might help clarify how the competitive spirit in hip-hop music could have been influenced, to some extent, by its predecessor, doo-wop.

Specifically, in the comprehensive work titled “The Complete Book of Doo-Wop” (2009), authors Dr. Anthony J. Gribin and Dr. Matthew M. Schiff focus on a specific subgenre of doo-wop they label as “Gang Doo-Wop”. This term refers to doo-wop groups who, in some manner, adopted identities and singing styles that mirrored the tough and boastful images connected with street gangs.

This ties into a broader movement in doo-wop music, as many vocal groups were associated with the street gangs and social clubs that emerged within their neighborhoods. These gangs often gathered in public places like parks or playgrounds.

In the same vein, these were indeed the types of environments where hip-hop originated back in the ’70s New York boroughs. It evolved from mobile DJ culture and diverse sound systems traveling around the city. MC Shan, in his 1986 hit “The Bridge” with Marley Marl, poetically expressed that “hip-hop was born in the shadows, they used to perform it in the park.

During the doo-wop era and beyond, some notorious street gangs, such as those led by DJs like Disco King Mario and Afrika Bambaataa, who hail from The Bronx, also had singing groups among their members. Rather than resorting to physical conflicts, these groups would participate in musical contests or talent shows, which they referred to as “singing rumbles.” These events could take place at community centers or parks. Essentially, singing rumbles served as a peaceful and creative outlet for the gang members’ artistic talents.

Just as the dancers known as b-boys and b-girls within hip-hop often performed in similar venues, a singing rumble could be likened to a contest where each group sang to uphold their gang’s and community’s honor. Given that the spectators for these events were primarily from the respective neighborhoods, their pride rested heavily on the winning side.

Dr. Gribin and Schiff note that individuals associated with recording labels might have attended singing competitions, and these events could possibly lead to the creation of a record. Much like talent shows in Morrisania, these competitions served as significant platforms for bands to gain visibility.

In a similar vein, the approach of discovering and nurturing young black talent, notably showcased with the Fat Boys or Disco 3, was prominently depicted in the movie “Krush Groove” (1985), directed by Michael Schultz. Within this film, the Fat Boys endeavor to compete in talent competitions at the Disco Fever, often competing against acts such as New Edition and the Beastie Boys.

Together, the Fat Boys competed against their fellow Sutra Records artist Chad, who sang a cover of Frankie Lymon & The Teenagers’ 1956 hit “I Want You To Be My Girl.” This cover was also released as a single in 1985. By participating in this competition, the Fat Boys attracted Kurtis Blow’s attention and eventually won a record contract with Tin Pan Apple as their first-place prize.

Instead of just discovering gifted doo-wop musicians, the marketing approach could extend to incorporating competitions. As Dr. Gribin and Dr. Schiff suggest, an example is the album “The Paragons Meet The Jesters,” released in 1959 on Jubilee Records. This album was promoted and produced as if it depicted a singing contest between two New York doo-wop groups, creating a sense of rivalry and excitement.

The main picture for “The Paragons Meet The Jesters,” captured by Charles Varon, showcases two motorcycle enthusiasts, often called greasers. One of them has “Jesters” clearly displayed on the back of his jacket. Additionally, a third individual is positioned up front, likely a member of the Paragons, indicating an impending confrontation or rumble was imminent.

Although the performers pictured on the album cover were white, in contrast to the actual musicians within, the cover implied a parallel between their musical rivalry and urban gang conflicts. The back description made it clear that this wasn’t a real-life altercation, but rather a “conflict over beats.

Although many of their songs focused on romance, The Paragons and Jesters stood out for their tougher, rugged style in the doo-wop genre. Notably, these two groups were part of the “Gang Doo-Wop” category, which Drs. Gribin and Schiff identified, with a significant number of them originating from New York.

Initially, this was significantly milder than what ruggedness might evolve into in rap music. Jubilee persisted in employing this promotional approach on “The Cadillacs Meet The Orioles,” a sequel released around 1960, retaining the same format for these two musical groups.

Although “The Paragons Meet The Jesters” was initially released on Jubilee Records, it’s worth noting that, as far as I know, most of their singles were actually recorded for Winley Records – the label they collaborated with.

Winley initially republished this album through their label on several occasions during the early ’60s. Following that, they released “War! The Jesters Vs. The Paragons“, an LP serving as their subsequent project, which was a follow-up to the earlier skirmish. Unlike the previous album where songs from both groups were interwoven, this release separated the music of each group onto different sides: side A played the Jesters’ tunes, while the B-side featured tracks by the Paragons.

In subsequent periods of soul music, a similar marketing strategy – pitting artists against each other – persisted. Many of these artists originated from doo-wop groups that were formed among schoolmates or neighborhood friends. Notably, several had started refining their vocal skills within the church or within family settings before they reached their teenage years.

One example is the 1974 album titled “The Dells Vs. Dramatics,” illustrated by cartoonist Jack Davis. This album portrays both music groups engaged in a lively basketball match, as depicted in the cover art. The design of the album, attributed to Neil Terk, Ted Amber, and the advertising agency Davis Fried Krieger Inc., carries on this theme, representing the bands like basketball teams.

As a music enthusiast, I’d say, “I’ve got to admit, ‘The Dells Vs. Dramatics’ took collaborative efforts to a whole new level! Each group showcased their unique tunes, but what really set it apart was when they joined forces for some incredible joint performances. This approach truly pushed the boundaries of what an album could be, going far beyond ‘The Paragons Meet The Jesters,’ which was essentially a compilation of singles.

As a gaming enthusiast, diving into the world of old-school hip-hop, I’ve noticed that back in the day, record labels like Sugar Hill often favored singles over albums when promoting their artists. In 1981, they brought out a track called “Showdown,” where The Furious Five squared off against The Sugarhill Gang. Interestingly enough, this heated rap battle found its place on The Sugarhill Gang’s second album, the aptly titled 8th Wonder.

In 1983, Sugar Hill Records teamed up with a French label called Disques Vogue to produce an album titled “Crash Crew Meets Funky Four.” This compilation album was likely created for the French market. Similar to the album “War! The Jesters Vs. The Paragons,” the A-side featured singles from the Funky Four, while the B-side showcased songs from the Crash Crew.

It’s clear that doo-wop isn’t solely responsible for hip-hop’s competitive advantage, but it does share several striking similarities, particularly in terms of marketing strategies and how they became popular. Initially within urban black communities and later on a global scale within American popular culture.

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2025-09-02 18:00